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Ashoka and the rise of social entrepreneurship as a civic force

Ashoka and the rise of social entrepreneurship as a civic force
Ashoka and the rise of social entrepreneurship as a civic force | Photo: Fiona Murray-deGraaff

Published on 28 March 2026 at 03:18 GMT

By Editorial Team SDG17


When Ashoka was founded more than four decades ago, the idea that entrepreneurial methods could be applied to public problems was still marginal. Today, social entrepreneurship is part of the language of philanthropy, development and civic innovation across much of the world. That shift matters because the failures now confronting many societies, from inequality and exclusion to climate vulnerability and democratic distrust, are not problems that governments or markets can solve alone. Social entrepreneurship has moved from the margins to the mainstream. Ashoka has been one of the organisations most closely associated with that transition, first by backing individual social entrepreneurs, and later by arguing that societies need far more people to see themselves as changemakers.

 

The organisation’s core model has long been to identify and support leading social entrepreneurs through its fellowship network. On its official platforms, Ashoka says it has elected more than 4,000 fellows in over 90 countries, reflecting a reach that few civil society networks in the field can match. The fellowship approach is significant because it treats social innovation not as a one-off project, but as a long-term effort to change systems, whether in education, health, livelihoods, migration, disability rights or environmental governance. Ashoka Fellows are meant to change systems, not just run projects. That distinction has helped shape how the sector now talks about impact.

 

Over time, however, Ashoka has tried to push the argument further. Its slogan, “Everyone a Changemaker”, signals a broader theory of social change: that societies are entering an era in which the capacity to initiate, collaborate and adapt is no longer confined to a heroic minority. On Ashoka’s account, the deeper risk is not simply poverty or institutional failure, but what it describes as a new inequality in changemaking, a divide between people who can shape change and people who are left reacting to it. Changemaking is being framed as a form of civic capacity. In a period marked by rapid technological, economic and ecological disruption, that framing has political as well as social implications.

 

This is where Ashoka’s public interest relevance becomes clearer. Many social entrepreneurship narratives have historically focused on charismatic founders, philanthropic capital and success stories that can be scaled. Ashoka has certainly benefited from that tradition, but its more ambitious claim is about culture and institutions. It has expanded work with schools, young people and partner institutions on the assumption that empathy, teamwork and problem-solving are not merely educational virtues, but practical democratic skills. The real argument is about who gets to shape society. In that sense, the organisation is not just supporting social ventures, it is promoting a view of citizenship suited to a volatile century.

 

That approach connects meaningfully to several United Nations goals, although the fit is not identical across all of Ashoka’s work. The strongest links are to SDG 8, decent work and economic growth, because social entrepreneurs often build more inclusive labour and service models, SDG 10, reduced inequalities, because many fellows work with groups excluded by class, disability, caste, race or migration status, and SDG 16, peace, justice and strong institutions, because changemaking depends on trust, participation and accountable institutions. In some contexts there is also a clear connection to SDG 4, quality education, particularly where Ashoka promotes changemaker schools and youth leadership. Social entrepreneurship can support SDG 10 and SDG 16 in practical ways. The relevance is not that every social enterprise automatically advances the SDGs, but that the field often operates where public systems are weak, unequal or too slow to adapt.

 

Still, the appeal of social entrepreneurship should not obscure its limits. One long-running tension is that the language of innovation can sit uneasily alongside the structural nature of many public problems. Poverty, insecure work, underfunded health systems or climate injustice are not simply waiting for a clever solution. They are shaped by politics, law, taxation, labour regimes and unequal power. Innovation cannot substitute for public policy. Critics of the sector have often argued that philanthropy-backed social entrepreneurship can drift towards celebrating individual ingenuity while leaving the underlying distribution of power intact. That criticism does not cancel the value of civic innovation, but it does impose a test: whether organisations such as Ashoka help strengthen collective institutions, or merely work around their failures.

 

A second tension concerns scale. Ashoka has long presented replication and diffusion as markers of success, and it says a large majority of its social entrepreneurs have seen their ideas spread geographically. Yet scaling social change is rarely linear. A model that works in one city may depend on local laws, strong civic networks or a supportive bureaucracy that cannot be reproduced elsewhere. Scaling social change is harder than scaling technology. The most meaningful impact may come not from copying a model exactly, but from adapting its principles to different political and cultural settings.

 

This matters now because the surrounding landscape is changing. Social entrepreneurship is no longer a niche concept identified with a handful of early pioneers. It now sits within a crowded ecosystem that includes Acumen, which combines social enterprise support with poverty-focused investment and leadership programmes, the Skoll Foundation, which has helped legitimise high-profile social impact models, and the Schwab Foundation for Social Entrepreneurship, which convenes and promotes social innovators through global networks. Ashoka is part of a larger ecosystem, not a movement of one. That broader field has brought visibility and resources, but it has also created pressures to quantify impact, attract funders and fit complex social outcomes into simplified metrics.

 

There is also a geographical question. Much of the language of social entrepreneurship travelled through global philanthropy and elite networks, often with strong roots in North America and Europe. Yet many of the most urgent experiments in changemaking are happening in Africa, Latin America and Asia, where communities have long built mutual aid, informal problem-solving systems and social economy models without using the term “social entrepreneur”. Local legitimacy matters more than imported language. For organisations such as Ashoka, the challenge is not only to identify talent, but to avoid imposing a standardised script on very different social realities. Recent fellow elections in Africa, including in countries such as Tanzania, Kenya, South Africa and Nigeria, suggest the network is continuing to deepen its presence where demographic change and institutional strain are reshaping the future of civic action.

 

What has kept Ashoka relevant is that it has tried to respond to this complexity by moving beyond a narrow founder model. Its emphasis on young changemakers and educational institutions reflects an understanding that the next phase of social entrepreneurship may depend less on exceptional individuals and more on whether societies can normalise collaborative problem-solving. In that reading, empathy is not soft language for fundraising brochures. It is part of the social infrastructure needed to manage polarisation, technological disruption and climate stress without leaving large groups politically voiceless. Empathy is being treated as infrastructure for democracy.

 

That does not make Ashoka above scrutiny. Its language can at times sound universal in ways that flatten material differences between places and classes. The belief that everyone can be a changemaker is aspirational, but actual capacity depends on income, time, education, safety and legal freedom. A young person in a well-resourced school has a different starting point from a displaced worker, a rural organiser or a rights defender facing repression. Not everyone has an equal chance to become a changemaker. If the concept is to remain credible, it has to reckon with those unequal conditions rather than gloss over them.

 

Yet the larger proposition still carries weight. Around the world, trust in institutions is fragile, public systems are under strain and many people feel locked out of decision-making even when problems directly affect their lives. In that context, the central contribution of Ashoka may be less the fellowship itself than the attempt to reframe agency as a shared social good. Ashoka’s biggest idea is cultural, not organisational. The organisation helped legitimise social entrepreneurship as a field, but its more consequential claim is that societies function better when more people are equipped, and expected, to act on public problems. Whether that vision can be realised fairly is still an open question. But at a moment when democratic systems need both renewal and practical imagination, it is a question worth taking seriously.

 

Further information:


·       Ashoka, the organisation at the centre of the social entrepreneurship and changemaker model discussed in this article. https://www.ashoka.org/


·       Schwab Foundation for Social Entrepreneurship, a major international platform that recognises and convenes social innovators working on systemic change. https://www.schwabfound.org/


·       Acumen, a non-profit that supports social entrepreneurs and invests in approaches aimed at reducing poverty. https://acumen.org/


·       Skoll Foundation, a philanthropic organisation that has helped expand the visibility and infrastructure of social entrepreneurship globally. https://www.skoll.org/

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